Religious Traditions and Biodiversity

Fikret Berkes , in Encyclopedia of Biodiversity (Second Edition), 2013

Glossary

Animism

Belief in spiritual beings. The term is associated with the anthropology of E. B. Tylor, who described the origin of religion and primitive beliefs in terms of animism in Primitive Culture (1871). Tylor considered animism a minimum definition of religion and asserted that all religions, from the simplest to the most complex, involve some form of animism. From Latin anima, 'breath' or 'soul'.

Biocultural multifariousness

The variety of life in whatever of its manifestations, biological and cultural, which are interrelated (and likely coevolved) inside a circuitous social–ecological adaptive system.

Ideals

Codes that exert a palpable influence on human being behavior. Embedded in worldviews, ethics provide models to emulate, goals to strive for, and norms by which to evaluate actual behavior.

Monotheism

Belief in the unity of the Godhead, or in one God, equally opposed to pantheism and polytheism. Monotheism is a firm tenet of Islam and Judaism. Christianity, with its concept of Trinity, alone among the 3 monotheistic religions, dilutes monotheism. From Greek mono, 'one', and Greek theos, 'god'.

Pantheism

The doctrine that identifies the universe with God. In Western thought, the term is associated with the Dutch philosopher Baruch Spinoza. His view represents an important criticism of the 'orthodox' view of a god whose reality is somehow external to the reality of the globe. From Greek pan, 'all', and Greek theos, 'god'.

Religion

Man recognition of superhuman decision-making power, and peculiarly of a personal God or gods entitled to obedience and worship; the consequence of such recognition on carry or mental attitude.

Sacred natural sites

Areas of land and h2o having special spiritual significance to people and communities.

Stewardship

To hold something in trust for some other, as in the Biblical (human) responsibility for husbanding God's gifts. In the present context, examples include Australian ancient 'looking after country', Andean Quechua 'caring for Mother Earth', and Canadian Ojibwa 'keeping the country'.

Traditional ecological noesis

A cumulative body of knowledge, practise, and belief, evolving by adaptive processes and handed downwards through generations by cultural manual, about the relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and with their environment. It is a subset of indigenous noesis, which is local knowledge held by ethnic people or local knowledge unique to a given culture or society.

Traditional societies

Groups in which knowledge, do, and belief are handed down through generations largely by cultural transmission. Tradition itself evolves past adaptive processes, but not all tradition is necessarily adaptive.

Worldview

The larger conceptual circuitous in which ethics are embedded. A.North. Whitehead called it the conceptual order, or one'south general way of conceiving the universe, which supplies the concepts by which one'south observations of nature are invariably interpreted. In general, worldviews limit and inspire homo behavior, shape observations, and perceptions. Arnold Toynbee's Weltanschauung.

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Chill: Sociocultural Aspects

Peter P. Schweitzer , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

Religion and Worldview

Shamans and shamanism are probably the most evocative symbols of circumpolar faith and worldview (see Shamanism). There is no doubt that – until recently – nigh Arctic communities had religious functionaries who were able to communicate with and to 'principal' spirits. These 'shamans' were engaged in healing and other activities aimed at improving communal and individual well-being. In the small-scale societies nether consideration hither, these functionaries held extremely of import social positions, which sometimes led to an corruption of power. Notwithstanding, the notion of 'shamanism' can easily be misconstrued as a unified system of beliefs, which information technology never was in the Arctic. Instead, in improver to a limited number of common elements, circumpolar shamanisms show profound differences in the conventionalities systems with which they are associated. Especially in northern Eurasia, elements of worldviews associated with highly organized religions (such as Buddhism or Christianity) found their way into localized forms of shamanism long before the direct impacts of colonialism.

Animism – the belief that all natural phenomena, including man beings, animals, and plants, but likewise rocks, lakes, mountains, atmospheric condition, and then on, share one vital quality – the soul or spirit that energizes them – is at the core of most Chill belief systems. This means that humans are non the only ones capable of contained action; an innocuous-looking pond, for instance, is simply as capable of rising upward to kill an unsuspecting person as is a homo enemy. Some other central principle of Chill religious life is the concept of humans beingness endowed with multiple souls. The notion that at least one soul must be 'gratis' to leave the human torso is basic to the shaman'due south ability to communicate with the spirits.

Since the killing and consumption of animals provides the basic sustenance of circumpolar communities, ritual care taking of creature souls is of utmost importance. Throughout the N, rituals in which creature souls are 'returned' to their spirit masters are widespread, thus ensuring the spiritual cycle of life. While almost prey animals receive some form of ritual attention, there is pregnant variation in the elaboration of these ceremonies. One brute particularly revered throughout the Northward is the bear (both chocolate-brown and black), as has been demonstrated by Hallowell (1926) in his classic comparative study of 'bear ceremonialism.' A recent phenomenological study of the spiritual dangers of hunting amid the Siberian Yukaghirs was provided by Willerslev (2007).

The ontologies and cosmologies of the circumpolar north are not unique. Many elements of animistic and shamanic worldviews are widespread among hunter-gatherers anywhere. Similarities among the ontologies of American Indian and Siberian peoples might also have historical foundations, since the peopling of the Americas is thought to have happened through northeastern Asia. Recently, a book devoted to exploring the similarities and differences between notions of nonhuman personhood in Siberia and Amazonia has conceptually and geographically extended the notion of Arctic animism (Brightman et al., 2012).

Past the twentieth century, hardly any Arctic community had not yet felt the bear on of Christian missionary activity. Yet, there is considerable variation as to when these activities commenced: Christianity reached the Arctic areas of Europe almost 1000 years ago, while the indigenous inhabitants of the Chukchi Peninsula (Russia) had petty kickoff-hand experience of Christianity before the 1990s. Generally speaking, the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries mark the major periods of religious conversion in the Chill. Although no other major world faith has significantly impacted the North, the spectrum of Christian denominations represented in the Arctic is considerable. There is also considerable variation in how 'nativized' the individual churches have become. A good example for the latter, the indigenization of Christianity, are the developments in the southern parts of Alaska later on the sale of Russian America to the United States in 1867. These regions – inhabited primarily by Aleut, Alutiiq, Eyak, and Tlingit people, as well equally past some Denaina and Yupik groups – came nether Russian cultural and religious influence in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. While this initial spread of Russian Orthodox Christianity is not unlike from colonial processes elsewhere on the world, the persistence of the organized religion after the stop of Russia's colonial rule deserves attending and caption. Such explanations include references to the specifics of the Orthodox faith (e.thousand., Mousalimas, 1995), to analogies between indigenous and Russian religious concepts (e.grand., Csoba DeHass, 2009), also as to the identity politics of the early United states of america menstruation of Alaska (e.g., Kan, 1999).

The late twentieth and early on twenty-outset centuries have experienced renewed missionary activities by 'new' churches throughout the Chill. A particular focus of missionary activity has been the Russian Arctic, which has been viewed by outside (evangelical) churches as a kind of religious terra nullius after 70 years of state atheism.

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Humanism

E. Steelwater , in Encyclopedia of Applied Ethics (Second Edition), 2012

The Environment

Humanism enters into environmental ideals through the question of whether nonhuman natural entities have rights and/or a 'voice' that should be represented or heard equally with those of human beings. It cannot exist claimed that humanistic idea of the Renaissance originated the idea of human beings as 'superior' to other natural entities. Just in animistic religion, or animism, are all natural entities endowed with a linguistic communication that enables them to interact with human being beings on an equal or even superior ground. Such natural entities include not but nonhuman animals but also rocks, copse, rivers, and so on. Human beings every bit the noon of the natural hierarchy is an idea dating back, inside Judeo-Christian thought, at least as far as the book of Genesis. Medieval European thought, centering on God, tended to come across the created earth as existing merely to reveal God'southward purposes to human beings, and 'reading God'southward book' of nature was a mutual metaphor. However, Renaissance thought, in moving the emphasis to human being rather than divine purposes, did not modify the subordinate place of other natural entities.

Accretions to humanism after the Renaissance were specially constructive in confirming nonhuman natural entities in the status of 'matter.' Descartes identified reason as the very source of existence, and (himself an experimenter upon animals) he denied that the cries of 'nonreasoning' animals could even signify pain. Post-obit Descartes came a tradition of scientific experiment up until the nowadays in which the human being being is the controlling 'subject' and other natural entities are the acted-upon 'objects.' The explicit goal of much experimentation and ascertainment has been technological: the manipulation and control of the nonhuman globe and its entities for the well-being and profit of humankind. Although Karl Marx stressed human being beings as a function of nature, Capital conspicuously established nonhuman 'nature' as destined to go 'one of the organs of deed,' annexed to our ain actual organs. Marx'south follower George Lukas expressed a similar thought by saying, in History and Class Consciousness, that "nature is a societal category."

Most recently, some environmentalists ('social ecologists') have defended the unique position of human beings within nature, based on the claimed ability of human being beings to make up one's mind their own evolutionary management. This position stresses the importance of human reasoning power both to defend the rights of all natural entities and to devise balanced ecology outcomes. A business organization is that homo beings, especially the poor and persons of color, suffer from adverse wellness and economical furnishings when too much stress is laid on the preservation of nonhuman nature. Both scientists within the bourgeois capitalist globe and utopian Marxians, so, have institute compelling reasons to view the nonhuman earth equally limited in its rights and purposes independent of human ones.

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Arctic: Sociocultural Aspects

P.P. Schweitzer , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

3.3 Religion and Worldview

Shamans and shamanism are probably the most evocative symbols of circumpolar faith and worldview (see Shamanism ). There is no doubt that—until recently—most Chill communities had religious functionaries who were able to communicate with and to 'master' spirits. These 'shamans' were engaged in healing and other activities aimed at improving communal and individual well-being. In the minor-scale societies under consideration here, these functionaries held extremely important social positions, which sometimes led to an abuse of power. However, the notion of 'shamanism' can easily be misconstrued equally a unified system of behavior, which it never was in the Arctic. Instead, in addition to a limited number of common elements, circumpolar shamanisms show profound differences in the belief systems with which they are associated. Especially in northern Eurasia, elements of worldviews associated with highly organized religions (such every bit Buddhism or Christianity) found their fashion into localized forms of shamanism long before the direct impacts of colonialism.

Animism—the belief that all natural phenomena, including human beings, animals, and plants, but also rocks, lakes, mountains, weather, and then on, share 1 vital quality—the soul or spirit that energizes them—is at the cadre of virtually Arctic belief systems. This means that humans are not the merely ones capable of independent action; an innocuous-looking pond, for instance, is simply as capable of rising up to kill an unsuspecting person equally is a human enemy. Another primal principle of Arctic religious life is the concept of humans being endowed with multiple souls. The notion that at least one soul must be 'gratis' to leave the human torso is basic to the shaman's ability to communicate with the spirits.

Since the killing and consumption of animals provides the basic sustenance of circumpolar communities, ritual care-taking of creature souls is of utmost importance. Throughout the Due north, rituals in which animal souls are 'returned' to their spirit masters are widespread, thus ensuring the spiritual cycle of life. While well-nigh prey animals receive some class of ritual attention, there is significant variation in the elaboration of these ceremonies. I creature particularly revered throughout the North is the bear (both brown and blackness), as has been demonstrated past Hallowell (1926) in his classic comparative study of 'bear ceremonialism.'

Past the twentieth century, hardly any Arctic community had not nevertheless felt the affect of Christian missionary action. Nonetheless, at that place is considerable variation equally to when these activities commenced: Christianity reached the Arctic areas of Europe almost 1,000 years ago, while the ethnic inhabitants of the Chukchi Peninsula (Russian federation) had little first-manus experience of Christianity earlier the 1990s. Generally speaking, the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries mark the major periods of religious conversion in the Arctic. Although no other major world religion has significantly impacted the Northward, the spectrum of Christian denominations represented in the Arctic is considerable. There is also considerable variation in how 'nativized' the individual churches have become.

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Handbook of the Economics of Art and Civilisation

Gani Aldashev , Jean-Philippe Platteau , in Handbook of the Economics of Art and Culture, 2014

21.3.three The Strategic Use of Religious Symbols: The Wearing of the Veil

In the to a higher place give-and-take, we have focused attention on the endogenous choice of a particular type of religion by people who pursue certain objectives. Such an arroyo implies that people's religious beliefs do not necessarily respond to purely emotional drives, merely may be grounded in rational, selfish calculations. This is especially truthful of those who choose to catechumen into a new organized religion or to abandon animism for a monotheistic faith. In the same line, in some recent literature, both economic and sociological, we observe the idea that people may rationally choose to display religious symbols pertaining to a given religion regardless of the true nature of their deep beliefs. Thus, educated and urbanized women wearing the Islamic veil may do so as a mode of escaping traditional norms that control their concrete movements outside the family space. By manifesting their belief in a pure Islam, they claim the correct to chronicle directly to God, and then equally to be dispensed with the need to follow repressive rules enforced past men in the name of Islam and thereby obtain access to public life: the wearing of the veil is 'the sign of submission to God and not to men' (Boubekeur, 2004, p. 151; see also Adelkhah, 1991; Göle, 1993). The very fact that the veil allows them to conceal more fully their torso provides an astute rebuttal of the argument according to which women'southward free movements in the outside infinite threaten the honor of the whole family. Carvalho (2013) offers united states a slightly unlike argument that he elaborates theoretically: co-ordinate to him, veiling is a commitment mechanism that Muslim women utilise to limit temptation to deviate from religious norms of behavior. The intuition is every bit follows. Women, particularly educated women with an urban, middle-class background, are eager to seize new economical opportunities available outside their own community. However, responding to these opportunities involves exposure to environments in which liberal mores and opportunities for religiously prohibited behavior prevail. This is a problem inasmuch equally it may cause social disapproval inside the women's community. In order to avoid paying this social price of economical integration, women therefore opt for veiling, which is a plush commitment mechanism that reduces temptation to engage in religiously prohibited behavior. In other words, veiling is a protection that automatically guards women against the risk of indulging into improper beliefs, such as getting mixed up in the alien (Western) culture. 10 When veiling is thus conceived as a strategy for integration that allows women to seize outside economic opportunities while preserving their reputation within the community or protecting the award of their family, nosotros get able to explain why the spread of (private) religious values have gained (public) expression through increasing veiling, not only among religious types, but also through increased pressure on secular types to veil. It is interesting to observe, in this respect, that in many countries the new veiling motility appears to have originated among urban, educated, middle-class women who piece of work outside the home, that many veiled women are not members of a religious group, and that veiling does not seem to limit the fourth dimension women spend on secular activities (Carvalho, 2013).

There exist other rationalistic accounts of veiling, yet they do not purport to explain the recent spread of the miracle, whether in the Middle East and Asia (e.g. Indonesia) or among the Muslim communities residing in Europe and Northward America. For example, a well-known explanation of the wearing of the veil is that information technology serves as a signaling device whereby a woman (possibly at the behest of her husband) manifests that she belongs to a rather high social class that dispenses her with the necessity to work. Barfield (2010, p. 202) explicitly refers to this motive in order to explain why the employ of the full veil has become more widespread in the Afghan countryside during the recent decades. Co-ordinate to him, indeed, the veil is a social mark adopted by rural women considering it had previously been a practise followed only by the urban upper class, whose women did not need to work.

This argument of the utilize of veiling as a mechanism to overcome information asymmetries is also related to some earlier piece of work, in different contexts, in detail past Iannaccone (1992) and Berman (2000). Iannaccone (1992) poses the question why many religions and sects crave its members to undertake rituals that involve substantial sacrifice. He argues that this has lilliputian to do with subjective belief, forced indoctrination, or irrationality. The fact these sacrifices seem aimed at destroying valuable resource is crucial: for the author, this can be reconciled with the observed standing success of groups with such behavioral requirements and seemingly inefficient prohibitions. The explanation is equally follows: religion is a social club good that displays positive returns to 'participatory crowding'. The collective graphic symbol of religious activity implies a gratis-rider problem that is difficult to overcome by monitoring. All the same, the free-rider problem can exist mitigated by the costly rituals that serve to screen out people whose participation would otherwise be low, while at the aforementioned fourth dimension increasing participation among those who practise bring together. Equally a consequence, the utility of group members tin increase when apparently unproductive sacrifices are required. Berman (2000) uses a similar screening argument to explain why the Israeli ultra-Orthodox men who cull to written report full-time in a yeshiva until age 40 choose yeshiva over piece of work (and remain poor). He argues that yeshiva attendance signals commitment to the community, which provides common insurance to members. One consequence of the prohibitions is that while they strengthen communities past finer taxing real wages, they as well induce high fertility. The novelty of this paper with respect to Iannaccone'southward argument is that it shows how a conventional rational choice model, augmented with social interactions and excludability, produces extremely large behavioral responses to interventions.

In a recent contribution, Levy and Razin 2012a analyze the relation betwixt religious beliefs, religious participation, and social cooperation. They focus on religions that instill beliefs virtually the connectedness between rewards and punishments and social behavior. The paper asserts that religious organizations arise endogenously, analyze their effect on social interactions in society, and identify a spiritual as well as a material payoff for being religious. The main finding is that religious groups that are more demanding in their rituals are smaller, more cohesive, and are equanimous of individuals whose beliefs are more than extreme.

In another newspaper, Levy and Razin (2012b) compare ritual-based religions to discipline-based ones, again exploiting the idea of religiosity as a social bespeak of cooperative behavior in religious organizations. The model embeds a ritual-based religious organization in which signaling arises through the use of costly rituals and a discipline-based religious organization in which such signaling occurs through the monitoring of by behavior. The authors prove that ritual-based religions, while using a costly and wasteful signal, as well imply a higher level of coordination of behavior in social interactions and a higher incidence of common cooperation. The normative analysis in the newspaper suggests that communities are more than likely to support a switch to a discipline-based faith if strategic complementarities are high and if in that location is a sufficiently loftier level of public information well-nigh social behavior. This accords with the success of Calvin's Reformation in Switzerland and France – a process characterized past the reduction of rituals along with the cosmos of institutions to monitor and publicize individuals' behavior, such as the Consistory.

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Sociocultural and Individual Differences

Donald W. Preussler , ... Stanton L. Jones , in Comprehensive Clinical Psychology, 1998

10.x.2 The Diversity of the World'due south Religions

A affiliate on the proper appreciation of religion every bit a powerful diversity variable ought to contain a terse summary of the major religions and their major distinctives, just such a summary would fill an entire chapter itself and do an injustice to the exquisitely circuitous realities of the religious faiths. Instead an attempt will be made to mention some of the most important dimensions on which religions vary.

Several caveats are in social club. Showtime, it should be noted that there is the demand for humility in attempting to sympathize different religions; few people are experts in the world religions and all their variants (for orienting surveys, see Nielsen; 1993; Noss & Noss, 1993; Smart, 1989), and even less can people truly be appreciative supporters of all religions equally. There should exist a readiness to acknowledge the limits of knowledge, and of the express attitudinal flexibility which can exist mustered in confronting beliefs that are different. Of particular danger to psychologists is the temptation to confuse their personal synthesis of religions, often via some sort of psychological functional analysis, with a genuine appreciation of all religions. Such a synthesis is necessarily a variant on religious belief itself and hence in tension with other religious beliefs; for example, an analysis of all religions as "particularistic cognitive renderings of the universal human pursuit of transcendent purpose, the ethical good, and of community" is a competing definition of, rather than an apt summary of, any particular organized religion.

Second, often in that location is greater diversity within religious categorizations than across them. For example, conservative Catholics and conservative Protestants have, on many dimensions, more in common than liberal and conservative Protestants. Hence, some very diverse religious groups are able to build remarkable consensus on certain foundational issues.

There accept been many attempts to do what amounts to a conceptual factor analysis of religion, with varying outcomes (there have been empirical attempts as well; see Gorsuch, 1984). This chapter draws on the work of Glock (1962), Smart (1989), and others and discusses the multidimensionality of the religions in terms of their cognitive dimension (religious beliefs), ritualistic and symbolic dimension (religious do), moral dimension (religious activity), institutional dimension (religious arrangement), community and lifestyle dimension (religious customs), and experiential dimension (religious feelings).

10.10.ii.1 Cognitive Dimension

Religions vary cognitively in a number of ways. Myths play a central function in almost religions, where myth is understood not in the general apply of the term as a fantastic fictional tale, merely rather as a set of religious stories that "quiver with special or sacred meaning" (Smart, 1983, p. vii). The importance of these are made clear in the care and honor given to the sacred texts that record them: the Christian Bible, the Hebrew Torah, the Hindu Bhagavad-Gita, Islam'southward Koran. The abiding power (i.e., the value of the narrative whether oral or written) of such sacred stories vibrates in the communities which have been transformed and sustained by such stories as the Jewish Exodus from Arab republic of egypt or the visions of Lao-tzu of the early on Taoist move. For some believers, the historicity of the founding myths is vital, while others regard them as symbols pointing to meanings not tied to specific events in history. Christians, for example, have traditionally insisted on the historical reality of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ (literalism); some keep that tradition while others regard that story as a nonhistorical emblem of the ability to overcome evil and adversity through the transforming power of God'southward dearest (symbolism). Recognition of the literalism vs. symbolism hermeneutic typically reaches across just one dogma or belief of the group but often pervades into other areas of estimation within the grouping's religious belief system.

Religions vary according to the content of their founding myths, and likewise according to the place of doctrine in the religious community, its sophistication, and degree of elaboration. Smart (1983, p. viii) defines religious doctrine equally "an endeavour to give system, clarity and intellectual power to what is revealed through the mythological and symbolic linguistic communication of religious faith and ritual." In essence, doctrine is an attempt to systematize divine revelation and return it applicative to everyday life. Some religious traditions have given ascent to extensive systematized literatures (e.g., Christianity, Judaism, Islam, and Hinduism), while others have non (e.g., Animism and Shintoism).

Myth and doctrine together can contribute to the formation of the globe views of religious adherents. Some religions accept limited general application; some animistic faiths prescribe rituals by which to appease or petition their gods, but take few broader implications. But a religion tin can give broad definition to the world which its faithful inhabit. In essence, a religious faith can plant the lenses (i.east., cognitive-perceptual "style," globe view, or control beliefs) through which believers see the world, and those lenses are clearly different from those through which the unfaithful peer. The primal focus around which a religious world organizes is the sacred or divine. This understanding of the divine is so striking that it literally shapes how an private, indeed, how a community, understands the greater social club of being. For a Christian this picture orients around a creative, redemptive, and present God. To Shinto believers, the kami, a spirit or divinity, completes their agreement of holiness in this world. The Muslim believer finds certainty in existence in Allah'southward V Pillars of Faith.

10.x.ii.2 Ritualistic and Symbolic Dimension

Most obvious to an outside observer are the differing roles played by ritual in the globe religions. Common forms of religious ritual are worship, singing, fasting, and prayer. In general these are "some form of outer beliefs coordinated to an inner intention to make contact with, or accept role in, the invisible world" (Smart, 1968, p. 6). Rituals can exist daily practices such equally the yoga of Hindus, the prayers of the Shinto or the purity rituals of Orthodox Judaism, weekly participation in services such equally Catholic mass or Jewish temple, or annual celebrations such as Islam'south Ramadan or the Hindu Divali. Each is a unique attempt to connect with, through bailiwick and remembrance, the divine which provides an orientation to self, others, and moral adept.

10.10.2.iii Moral Dimension

Religions vary in the degree of elaboration of their accompanying ethical systems, but such systems are continued vitally to religious organized religion and the consequences of belief. At its most basic level, ethics is the way in which religious systems respond the challenge of evil in the world and deal with the profane (Paden, 1988, p. 144). Inherent in religious ethics is a phone call to alive in a fashion which reflects one organized religion in an unbelieving world. Thus for a Muslim, love for Allah will be reflected in distributing wealth among those in demand, while for a Sikh information technology involves, simply is not wearied by, wearing uncut hair, a dagger, breeches, a comb, and iron bangle (Smart, 1989, p. 98). Religious ethics systems vary according to their overt applicability to society; Islam and ancient Judaism accept ethical systems seemingly designed for implementation on a societal basis, while New Testament Christianity articulated an upstanding code for members of a disenfranchised and powerless subculture. Religious ethical systems typically take private, interpersonal, and communal implications.

10.10.2.4 Institutional Dimension

The religions differ in terms of their formalization equally indelible human institutions. At i end of the continuum, imagine an autonomous American who distills a set of idiosyncratic religious beliefs which can exist embraced, and who and then quietly, privately, and with nobility lives consistently with those beliefs without the formation of an organization at all. At the other extreme contemplate the Roman Cosmic Church with its high degree of institutionalization. While some degree of institutionalization is probably inevitable with growing size of the adherent body, religions differ in terms of how readily they engender institutionalization.

10.10.2.5 Community and Lifestyle Dimension

Globe understandings formed and framed past religious belief serve social functions. They depict boundaries which allow believers to understand themselves (the insider) in contrast to others (the outsiders); thus, a Jew is able to clearly ascertain themselves every bit distinct from a Muslim or a Buddhist, both in terms of differences and commonalties. A communal consensus on "who we are," common understandings of proper and improper beliefs and values, the power of shared rituals, language and symbols, common appointment with religious institutions, and fifty-fifty an emphasis on the importance of community itself all contribute to a sense of belonging to a religious community and a cohesive sense of lifestyle. Some religious believers take a diffuse sense of appointment with their religious customs, while others are deeply engaged with a highly visible and formalized community. Williams notes that information technology has been common in the sociology of religion to distinguish between church and sect according to the degree of rejection of the dominant social environment, with members of sects disengaged from bulk civilisation. "Compared with members of churches, members of sects are poorer, less educated, contribute more than coin to their religious organizations, attend more than services, hold stronger and more distinctive religious beliefs, belong to smaller congregations, and accept more than of their friends as members of their denomination" (Williams, 1993, p. 127). This is a helpful distinction every bit long as the term sect is understood in a nonpejorative sense. Such a distinction may besides exist an important indicator of potential individual differences in ego-force or assertiveness between groups as well as relevant to understanding counterculture tendencies and conformity pressures for individuals within the sect.

ten.10.2.6 Experiential Dimension

Religious experience is often regarded as the sine qua non of religious life and its goal. Historically, such feel has often occurred at the founding moments of a religious tradition: the Koran tells of Mohammed's overwhelming, painful experience of receiving revelation from Allah; Buddhists" award the light that filled Buddha's mind under the Bodhi tree, allowing him to come across the antidote for the suffering of this earth; and Christians recall the blinding, life altering vision the apostle Paul received on the road to Damascus. Believers across the spectrum regularly celebrate and search later on the same. Thus, many Christians refer to their entrance in the religion equally being "born again," Taoists search for inner illumination that will pb to a "mystic matrimony," and Hindu'due south practise yoga to catch a glimpse of Nirvana. Such desires recognize the unique and holy identify of the divine in the world of a laic and may in fact be ane dimension that drives clients in psychotherapy.

Psychology equally a subject has often attempted to sympathize religious experience, but in doing and then has often imperialistically presumed that only certain types of experiences are properly religious. Lash (1988), for case, argued against the business relationship of religious feel of William James (articulated in his classic The varieties of religious experience) on the ground that it is an exclusivist account of religious feel, i which looked for a item and peculiar type of experience every bit qualifying as religious experience and which ruled out equally "true" religious feel on a priori grounds any experience which was tightly continued to a particular religious tradition. Such an a priori definition misses the reality that there is no such thing equally generic and pure religious experience, and that the forms of religious experience are intimately connected with and vary according to the faith systems in which they occur (Lash, 1988). A variety of religious experiences within Christianity—of shame and guilt for sin, of repentance, of gratitude for God's mercy—have no straight parallel in other faiths such as Buddhism, a reality which may produce some unique challenges for engagement of the two religious systems.

In attempting to understand the religion of a customer and its touch upon their presenting concerns, understanding these dimensions of religion—cognitive, ritual and symbol, moral, institutional, customs and lifestyle, and experiential—can serve every bit a guide for exploration of a client'south particular religious organized religion. Awareness of these factors can assist psychologists to catch a general glimpse of how organized religion affects and is interwoven into the lives of clients, and the unique differences between the many faiths which volition be encountered.

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Reflexive Cartography

Emanuela Casti , in Modernistic Cartography Series, 2015

Myth and Landscape

The relevance of myth in social regulation, which has come to the attention of geographers over the last few years, leads u.s.a. to assess the territorial process of the Gourmantché people with regard to the sacredness of the cliff. Research has extensively shown that in the construction of territory, besides as in the attribution of pregnant to the environs, these African people meet spirituality as both the moral and the logical foundation of life and of social reproduction. 29 The principles used to sanction the natural social club derive from the values society has retained in its ain metaphysical "safe." These are conveyed by myth, a narration that translates such principles into norms whereby communal life and its actions are ensured, above all in the construction of territory.

It is hither impossible for u.s.a. to consider adequately all the manifestations of the Gourmantché territorial procedure. Nosotros tin, however, dwell on the persistence and the centrality of myth every bit a narrative model among those people. On a descriptive level, myth informs the principles and on a normative level information technology prescribes the rules whereby the territorial process must exist fulfilled. With regard to the erstwhile, myth intimates the presence of a supernatural entity that made the settlement possible. And near the latter, myth ensures the legitimacy of territorial action in accordance with that supernatural link. It should be recalled that, in myth-based societies, the relation established with the globe is the very expression of the relationship guild has with the deity. I is non immune to practice as ane wishes with the land or on the land. There must be, instead, an ongoing process of transformation uniform with the representational arrangement used by myth. Consequently, territorial action takes on a sort of double meaning: on the one hand information technology is a sign of divine goodwill granting its fulfillment; on the other information technology is an invitation to human activity responsibly and in harmony with nature. For myth is based on the fact that a given geographic layout carries an intrinsic property: information technology is a frame for human action which fully exercises its autonomy by observing and interpreting divine will. As such, myth ensures the transition from a mythical to a historical universe. And the territorialization process marks the shift from a grateful acquittance of divine munificence to an ethical view of human responsibleness towards nature. Ultimately, being the lawful inhabitant of a identify does not depend merely on the original pact sealed with the gods but from human being action performed in accordance with divine will. xxx

Clearly, ''African animism" goes well beyond the manifestation of a "naïve" acknowledgement of nature as endowed with a soul. 31 Rather, it appears equally an elaborate tool for grasping reality and, therefore, a tool of rationalization and noesis offered to the entire social grouping. Hence individuals are not left on their ain to cope with the risk of failures, merely helped by the whole social club, which takes on such gamble and avoids failure by constantly relying on tradition, a true social grammar for translating myth into history. A very elaborate gear up of knowledge ensures the performance and reproduction of the community and minimizes the take chances of error. It does and so by adopting a social structure anchored to the genealogy of lineage and, therefore, to the ancestors/founders of the village and, through them, to the elderly specialists of the word, the guardians of sites of worship and the technicians of the sacred (prophets, visionaries, foretellers, etc.). The seniority principle is thus the cornerstone whereby myth is passed down in order to maintain social club inside the cosmic society, to form social relationships and, ultimately, to hypostatize the power relations that ensure its operation.

Along the same principle, fifty-fifty the cliff is seen as a sign of myth and its natural meaning is transferred from a denotative level to a cultural, connotative level through the significant that is sedimented in its name. Those who activate the topomorphosis process mentioned earlier, which turns natural infinite into a source of social legitimization, promote such process of sedimentation: established norms, inspired words, decisions taken at a given site accept on the characteristics of the sacred through a mythical narrative. Ultimately, topomorphosis comes across as a powerful ally to myth seen as a construct of the tradition that topomorphosis upholds. As such, topomorphosis perpetuates the setup and the political hierarchy of a given club.

To recover the social meaning of the cliff mural is thus to consider the ways in which its mythical value, the foundation of Gourmantché territoriality, is represented. In effect, we repeatedly stated that the human relationship between territory and landscape obtains at the level of communication. Territory is the issue of a procedure of spatial transformation, brought forth by a social agent and rooted in multiple actions that are not e'er made manifest visibly. Landscape, on the other hand, is the empirical manifestation that an observer conveys through representation. 32 Landscape is closely related to the presence of an observer, on which element we need to dwell (Fig. 5.3).

Figure 5.3. Landscape as the representation of territory.

The elaboration and communication of the landscape concept may be in the form of an articulate and witting activity or, conversely and more by and large, in the course of applied cognition, a sort of understanding shared by those who partake in a given cultural system. Be this every bit information technology may, such agreement is the source of an awareness of landscape. As a cultural asset, territory ultimately becomes a value in its landscape form via the intervention of the observer, who consciously interprets information technology. We stated it earlier: the action of the observer is cooperative. It does non convey merely what the eye records, but reconfigures perceptive data according to his or her values, performing an intellectual procedure. This is indeed an identity narrative, in which the fix of values, meanings, knowledge and interpretations refer to three semantic levels (nowadays, past, futurity) which evidence landscape as endowed with anthropological value, historical heritage and propensities for future planning. Landscape and so conveys the values of territory by casting them as a cultural whole, as heritage able to preserve and communicate the identity of the customs that inhabits the place. Information technology should therefore be clear that landscape, as the upshot of a chatty human activity, comes from a specific set of skills and values, both concrete and metaphysical, which are typical of a given society (Fig. v.4).

Figure 5.four. A village at the foot of the Gobnangou Cliffs. (See a color reproduction at the address: booksite.elsevier.com/9780128035092.)

Mural and Gourmantché Civilisation

In this sense, Gobnangou is a powerful identitarian factor which may be read on two levels: 1) that of external cohesion, since the cliff is taken as the distinctive feature of the ethnic group one belongs to beyond the Gulmu; two) that of internal distinction, since the cliff recalls the foundation myth and identifies each single village which is granted partial utilize of the cliff's side for its symbolic practices. To be more exact, each village holds an exclusive relationship to the cliff, which at the same time helps to consolidate the wider network of relations across the whole Gobnangou expanse. The estimation of belonging, unequivocal and binding, takes shape among the inhabitants beyond a wide gamut of local nuances. And so the social part of belonging is elevated to a transcalar dimension. To each village, the cliff provides the grounding that supports development past tuning information technology to the pressures of modernity. At the same time, each village is anchored to the origins and its belonging to the réseau of tradition is confirmed. 33 At the regional level, Gobnangou holds a sacral significant somewhat related and yet distinct from the ane recognized to Pagou, a small hill nearby invested with a powerful mystical aura (Fig. 5.5). Pagou, whose name (honor and you shall obtain what you seek) evokes the expectations ascribed to it past the Gourmantché throughout Westward Africa, plays a different office from the cliff: information technology is the elective site of the ultimate sense of sacredness, a source of inspiration and solution to the difficulties that individuals must face in their beingness. Conversely, the sacredness of Gobnangou refers to the founding myths and to the regulation of the relationship with the Earth and, therefore, it is the environmental model one must refer to in the exercise of one's autonomy towards the World. Nosotros should recall that identity discourse responds to a dual model: environmental or social. By referring to such a model, nosotros can understand in which contexts and past what procedures the sense of belonging evolves and consolidates, and specially from what values it derives. 34 In the case of the cliff, it is clear that it emanates from the natural values expressed by territoriality: the set of cultural aspects which, by shaping behavior, establish the social backdrop of the sacral relationship with nature and with it the right to inhabit the place.

Figure 5.5. The Pagou sacred site. (See a colour reproduction at the address: booksite.elsevier.com/9780128035092.)

Nosotros may recall that Gobnangou marks the place where the spirits of nature reside. The cliff'due south vegetation and its steep walls allow for several iconemes in the form of obulo, or sacred sites: Utanfalu (the mysterious cave), Pundougou (the fall used in initiation rites), Tanfoldjaga (the place for the endowing of mystical powers), Aguanda (the rock hidden past vegetation), Kuoli (the rock struck during sacrificial rites). The cliff is the site of myth and ritual par excellence. Few are the privileged ones who are entitled access to it. Although the cliff is manifestly visible to everyone, only a few elect may access its secret meaning: the village authorities, those who wield religious power (perkiamo and/or parkiamo) or political power (bado and/or nikpélo), who are entitled to maintain an ongoing human relationship and to draw communication for man activity. 35 These are the places that were revealed to the nikpélo by the divinity of nature through an incarnation in animal grade or the appearance of signs which, deciphered by the geomancer (tambipwaba), bespeak the ideal identify for the foundation of the new settlement. In this way, the cliff attests and affirms the social status of the villages that prevarication at its anxiety, perpetuating the tradition and loyalty to the values on which Gourmantché society is based.

The symbolic role of Gobnangou is traceable even in territorial deportment that followed the founding of the villages: the presence of cultivated fields crossed by the network of paths that ensure access to the various settlements is the outcome of a territorial action that sets the populated surface area autonomously from the one left in its original country. In fact, while routes of communication twist along the foot of the cliff, its slopes are characterized by signs of nature: but a few paths venture through vegetation, giving access to the few villages located on the height or in the s through narrow gorges such as Utanfolbu. The founding fable holds that the latter was discovered by a hunter, who is invested with divine powers in the do of his activity (Fig. 5.6).

Figure 5.six. The Utanfolbu Gorge. (Run into a color reproduction at the address: booksite.elsevier.com/9780128035092.)

Gobnangou as well communicates a wide range of performative information derived from safeguarded cognition, which people carefully mitt downward from generation to generation. So the cliff tells us of the relationship established with the villages over time: too as determining their ideal conditions of settlement, it played the role of a retreat and hideout during internecine warfare. The protection guaranteed past the metaphysical presences of nature was enhanced through artifacts such as Sapiakpéli (ancient defense stronghold) or Soguilafoli (archaic barns in the stone with the function of hiding people and/or things) (Fig. 5.7). The cliff tells of future villages, considering Gobnangou also means "reserve of land." To villagers, it offers fertile areas on its top, only partially tilled, and ready to stem e'er-higher demographic pressure.

Figure 5.7. The ancient Soguilafoli grain silos. (See a colour reproduction at the address: booksite.elsevier.com/9780128035092.)

In short, the Gourmantché civilisation managed to produce a seamless transition from myth to history through the prism of territoriality, which reflects a existent culture of action. It is a political culture, deeply integrated with spirituality, which sets the geographic weather for physical existence and the legitimization of identity.

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Theories of evolution

Susan Carey , ... Igor Bascandziev , in Developmental Review, 2015

Exercise the vitalism tasks make on-line EF demands?

The viability of the expression alone hypothesis depends upon showing that deploying one's conceptual knowledge of biology, while being questioned about that very knowledge, does in fact draw on EF resources. If so, typical adults' (perhaps fifty-fifty biology professors') judgments should be impaired under atmospheric condition that do not allow them to deploy the effortful and boring EFs. Goldberg and Thompson-Schill (2009) administered the Animism interview to college undergraduates in a speeded presentation. Under these conditions, college students make the same errors that young children make under non-speeded conditions, attributing life to inanimate objects associated with activity and move, and denying life to plants. Although biology professors make no errors, their response times reflect this aforementioned blueprint; they are slower to say a tree is live than to say a dog is alive and they are slower to say the sun is not alive than to say a table is not alive. These data are consistent with the conclusion that the vitalist pattern of judgments requires inhibition of the responses that would be generated past the developmentally prior agency theory (encounter also Shtulman & Valcarel, 2012).

Some other prediction of the hypothesis that EF resources are required for the expression of vitalist biological science is that participants with impaired EFs should perform worse on the vitalist battery than practice participants with intact EFs. Consistent with this prediction, Zaitchik and Solomon (2008a, 2008b) found that patients in the early stages of Alzheimer'due south disease, as well every bit some healthy elderly controls, were more likely to judge that inanimate objects (due east.g. the sun) are live, and were more than probable to deny that plants are alive) than were young adults on the animism interview. Aging and Alzheimer's disease both result in decreases in EF. A follow-up report (Tardiff, Bascandziev, Sandor, Carey, & Zaitchik, 2015) replicating these earlier findings also compared the performance of typical young adults with that of good for you elderly subjects on an EF battery as well as a biology bombardment. The elderly adults performed worse than immature adults not only on the EF measures merely on the Animism interview too, attributing life to inanimate objects associated with activity and movement. Furthermore, measures of EF predicted which good for you elderly participants provided animist responses. Importantly, the good for you elderly subjects did non differ from young adults on the Trunk Parts and on the Death interview. These results suggest that the vitalist theory of biological science in healthy elderly subjects is intact and they merely bear witness decreased performance on questions that elicit prepotent (animist) responses. In sum, at that place is convincing evidence that EF is required for the on-line expression of a vitalist understanding, especially on the animism interview. Nevertheless, this conclusion is consistent with the possibility that EF is as well drawn upon in the processes of construction of a vitalist biology.

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Sustainability science

Heila Lotz-Sisitka , ... Dylan McGarry , in Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability, 2015

Transformative, transgressive learning processes influenced by disquisitional phenomenology

We can besides observe transgressive and transformative learning processes in an eclectic collection of phenomenological work from various dissimilar disciplines, that span over a century, specifically that which emerged from deep environmental [33–36], social sculpture [37–40], Goetean observation [41,42 ], Animism [ 43,44], Anthroposophy [45,46], aesthetic education [47,48] and embodied ecological citizenship/education [xi,49–53]. What these dissimilar explorations into phenomenology have in common is a demand to transgress the boundaries between inner and outer worlds in the human being, as a ways of transformation and transgressive agency evolution.

With deep environmental, embodied ecological citizenship, animism and social sculpture, there is a clear impetus to address the trunk-blindness that occurs in contemporary technocratic managerial ideologies of industrial capitalism that have influenced educational activity. Reid and Taylor [54b] detect these as complexly entangled in the Western history of thinking in subject/object dualisms. They offer the philosophy of art developed past John Dewey [47] as a valuable contribution to developing not-dualistic understanding of the private within a matrix, and connecting this to autonomous freedom [49]. The aesthetic dimension of public culture, is seen past Dewey [47] as central in overcoming crippling dualisms of Western modernity that impair participatory engagement [49] and indeed transformative and transgressive social learning. Understanding that learning that involves the phenomenological feel of the learner provides new opportunities for inquiry that does not separate object and subject or place and person, equally Greenwood [53] explains, 'place-based inquiry and direct encounters with communities lead to democratic participation and social action within the local environs' (p. 275), therefore expanding the possibility for transformation and indeed transgressive learning. Similarly McKenzie et al. [51] describe how 'culture and place are deeply intertwined' (p. vii) and consequence in the potential for places and geographies equally transformative/transgressive forces that are profoundly pedagogical in themselves.

Phenomenology relies heavily on developing intuitive sensitivities, which Zumdick [42] in his work on aesthetic instruction and poetic imagination of the human for the 21st century described as the tertiary force or third key capacity for social and ecological change. He explains that the beginning two forces of imagination and inspiration that occur through inward reflecting and experiences of inner and outer worlds are not fantasy or escapism, but really a phenomenological see with the substances of both realities. They are preceded past this third intensified strength of the 'will', which he described equally what occurs when nosotros are closely connected to an encounter. He also explains that our thinking and feeling is enhanced and we are mobilised and motivated in a way that propels us to act, which is derived from real encounters with the earth, and so enables usa to be less frantic and more confident in ourselves, to be more than confident nigh what needs to be washed, and we shift our stance from one of manipulation to one of reciprocity [42].

Zumdick [42] described our world today as a huge laboratory, where millions of people are looking for new forms of living, new forms of participation, new materials, and new techniques. Still, equally he argues, this laboratory also has to change from the technical, scientific, political and economical sense into a laboratory that likewise researches our inner abilities and potentialities: that investigates Imagination, Inspiration and Intuition. Zumdick [42] explained, 'If we are able to realize this, our relationship to the outer world will become more and more responsive, and might better serve us in developing what is commonly described every bit a sustainable future.' (p. 5) Neither McKenzie et al. [51], nor Jickling [52] advocate for an abandonment of scientific and philosophical reasoning, they argue that rather emotional or phenomenological feel adds vital dimensions to learning, and expands learning. Significant to a re-thinking of higher education instruction, Jickling [52] says, 'experiential understandings adds flesh and life to the bones so often polished smooth and white by belittling thought.' (p. 168, our emphasis)

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Geographies of Bear upon and the Impacts of Geography: Unconventional Oil and Gas in the American Due west

Julia H. Haggerty , ... David Due west. Bowen , in The Extractive Industries and Social club, 2018

4.3 Sovereign and Sacred Impact Geographies

In the American West, sovereign indigenous nations maintain legal, economical, spiritual and cultural connections within and around many energy landscapes. Their experiences are key to gaining a full film of the nature of social impacts of UOG development. Native American tribes are the tertiary largest mineral rights holders in the Us and control 20% of oil and gas reserves, estimated at $one.v trillion in value (Hoffman, 2017; Regan and Anderson, n.d.) Stakeholders in UOG evolution include a various mix of Native American people, spiritual leaders, and political leaders. Other key stakeholders include agents of relevant federal, country, and tribal governments.

The Blackfeet, Sioux and Assiniboine tribes of Fort Peck; the Mandan Arikara Hidatsa of Fort Berthold; the Shoshone and Arapahoe tribes of Wind River; and the Navajo, Northern Ute, Southern Ute, Ute Mount Ute and Jicarilla Apache tribes of the Iv Corners region all have substantial claims to shale resources and almost have extensive feel with conventional free energy development (Bur. Of Indian Diplomacy, n.d.). To date, UOG evolution has just really occurred at a substantial scale on Fort Berthold in the heart of the Williston Bowl. A number of voices from Indian Country argue that greater dominance for tribal nations to pursue and regulate free energy development is critical, as it is ane of a limited number of conventional economic development options to impoverished tribal nations in remote areas (Davis et al., 2016; Royster, 1994; Regan and Anderson, northward.d.). From this perspective, the virtually important infrastructure upon which future UOG development rests is institutional—e.k., updating, refining and expanding laws and authoritative structures.

At the same time, because the customary beliefs of Native American cultures oft emphasize animism, pantheism and holism in their cosmologies, the likelihood that UOG evolution presents conflicts for and among many residents of Native American reservations is loftier ( Ludvig, 2014). In addition, every bit Hoffman (2017) keenly observes, the extent of impact geographies extends beyond land allocated to reservations to include the many sacred cultural sites located across reservation boundaries. A serial of prominent protests highlights the depth of resistance to the intrusion of new UOG development on sacred sites on the part of many Native Americans—including the protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline in 2015 and 2016, ongoing protests regarding the potential for UOG evolution in the Mancos shale of the San Juan Basin in and around prehistoric Puebloan cultural sites (Thompson 2018); and the contested exclusion of Bears Ears region from potential development (Hoffman 2017).

Fort Berthold Indian Reservation, domicile to three affiliated tribes that participate in a shared national regime—the Mandan, Arikara and Hidatsa peoples—is located in the very heart of the Bakken shale play. Fort Berthold experienced a development explosion that proceeded at a boundless pace between the onset of active leasing in the mid-2000s to the height of drilling action—between 2008 and 2015, over 1300 leases were signed and daily oil product surged from less than 10,000 bbd to over 160,000 bbd (Tice 2016). The context is disquisitional: social conditions going into the oil boom were marked past extreme levels of unemployment and a host of other indicators of social vulnerability. While the peer-reviewed literature on the boom'due south furnishings at Fort Berthold is sparse, a complicated motion picture has emerged from a few studies and media accounts (Crane Murdoch 2012; Sontag and McDonald 2014; Tice 2016). New revenue from evolution swelled tribal government funds—and distributions have been made to over 15,000 tribal members—while leases and business ventures made some individuals vast personal fortunes. But these benefits were accompanied not only by the boomtown phenomena described to a higher place, but also by revelations of systemic abuse and substantial social disharmonize. Of particular concern has been the nail's amplifying result on existing domestic violence, sexual assault, and drug and sex trafficking public health crises (Purdon 2012).

While there are a number of important legal treatises that evaluate and reflect on oil and gas evolution on tribal lands (Cantankerous, 2011; Ludvig 2014; Royster, 1994), the peer-reviewed literature exploring and analyzing social impacts of UOG development for members of the Due west's sovereign Indian nations has been very irksome to sally, possibly due to both the sea change in acceptable practices for non-native scholars to collect and share the experiences of Native Americans equally well every bit hesitance on the role of tribal members to engage in surveys and interviews. An of import set of studies consists of the conscientious piece of work of Native American graduate scholars studying their own peoples (cf. Tice 2016; Zoanni 2017). Both studies provide thoughtful discussions of the circuitous history of research and the challenges of decolonizing scholarship on the experiences of Native Americans. When one of Tice's informants on the Forth Berthold Reservation said, "'I wish all the researchers would just exit us lone,'" she articulated a sentiment that our feel suggests is both poignant and not unique to the people of Fort Berthold (Tice 2016: 78).

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